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- Harlan: The parties to the Statute have agreed to give third states the right to accept the jurisdiction of the Court. The recent decision of the Prosecutor to reject the Article 12(3) Declaration of the State of Palestine was ultra vires in accordance with the rules governing the rights and obligations of third states under treaties contained in Articles 35-37 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties. English [PDF] The Prosecutor can't revoke or modify an obligation under the Statute after it... (more)
- Harlan: Hi Souheir, The rules by which States are granted permission to deposit treaty instruments after joining one of the UN specialized agencies, like UNESCO, are contained in The Summary of Practice of the Secretary-General as Depositary of Multilateral Treaties under the heading The "Vienna formula"; the,"all States formula"; the practice of the General Assembly. As a member of UNESCO, Palestine unambiguously satisfies the criteria to accede to multilateral treaties opened under the most strict "... (more)
- Souheir: Hi everyone, I understand this debate is still open for contribution despite the fact it has become dormant. Given Palestine's recent admission to UNESCO, I thought it was important to say something about this and also to pick up on some of the comments that have already been made. Palestine’s admission to UNESCO reflects an emerging state practice favouring recognition of Palestinian state The admission of Palestine to UNESCO as a Member State (subject to its signing and ratifying the UNESCO... (more)
- Rosette Bar Haim: A Reply to Mr. Harlan’s Position1 It is necessary to relocate the debate in order to clearly perceive the legal questions at stake in the matter of the PNA Acceptance of Jurisdiction. I firmly believe that this action by the PNA is inherently intermingled with public law, and while public law and politics can coexist, criminal justice and politics cannot. The Statute is the result of a political legal compromise aimed at individual criminal liability,... (more)
- Harlan: Danterzian, I thought that all of Ms. Herzberg's arguments were unconvincing. *The “principles of international law recognized in the Charter of the Nürnberg Tribunal established that certain acts result in international criminal liability when they are "directed against any civilian population." - even stateless Jewish and Roma peoples. Many of the comments here reintroduce the dangerous concept that a State enjoys the freedom to commit criminal acts against an... (more)
- danterzian: I find part of Herzberg's argument troubling. She essentially argues that because (1) the Rome Statute must not allow grave crimes to go unpunished and (2) the PNA and Arab League frequently commit grave crimes, therefore (3) the ICC should not exercise jurisdiction over the grievous crimes committed in Palestine. Although I agree that there are other reasons for the Court to not exercise jurisdiction, I don't believe the above argument is one of them. The Rome Statute's preamble states that... (more)
- Herzberg: The PNA declaration should be rejected for several reasons, particularly because it is part of a soft power political war—also known as the “weaponization” of human rights—that has exploited international legal frameworks in order to avoid a negotiated solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict.1 However, the most compelling reason for its rejection is that the PNA and its supporters have “unclean... (more)
- Harlan: danterzian, I believe that Professor Quigley is correct. In 2004 the General Assembly adopted a resolution, A/RES/58/292, on the status of the Occupied Palestinian territory which noted that Palestine was an observer pending its attainment of full membership in the United Nations. That same year, the non-member Permanent Observer.State of the Holy See launched a bid to apply for full membership in the United Nations. When its efforts were unsuccessful, it asked to be granted upgraded observer... (more)
- Harlan: The United States is not a State party to the Rome Statute. I was just illustrating some points made by Professor Quigley - that the United States had recognized the State of Palestine in accordance with the provisions of conventional international law & that it customarily treats States as continuing to exist if their territory is under foreign occupation. The Baltic States provide an example of an undertaking that lasted for many decades. In cases like Kletter, those routine... (more)
- Harlan: Ti-Chiang Chen's classic "The International Law of Recognition:With Special Reference to Practice In Great Britain and United States has a chapter on the Laws of Recognition of Belligerency and Insurgency which discusses the customary rules and the internal inconsistency of the logic of some scholars on the very point you've raised here. How can an entity have the duties and responsibilities of a State under international law, yet still not possess the necessary legal personality of a State?... (more)
Comment on the Gaza Question: “Does the Prosecutor of the ICC have the authority to open an investigation into alleged crimes committed in the 2008-2009 Gaza conflict?”
In his post on the Forum, Prof. George Fletcher argues that the Palestinian Art.12(3) declaration is invalid by virtue of being filed by an entity that is not a state.
Prof. Fletcher asks whether the Palestinian Authority is a state. Of course it is not. The Palestinian Authority is a governing body. If there is a state involved here, it is Palestine, not the Palestinian Authority. So the wrong question is being asked. Prof. Fletcher quotes passages from James Crawford in which Prof. Crawford says that the P.L.O. is not a state. Again, the wrong question.
Prof. Fletcher cites the 1995 Interim Agreement between Israel and the P.L.O., and its provisions placing restrictions on the PA, to prove that the PA isn’t a state. What he recites is accurate about the role of the PA under the Interim Agreement, but that agreement does not limit Palestine as a state. Moreover, its restrictions were expected to endure for only a short time.
Prof. Fletcher recites the oft-cited Montevideo Convention criteria for statehood and asks whether the PA satisfies them. Again, he asks the wrong question. To the extent the issue may be relevant, he should be asking whether Palestine satisfies the criteria. He would then have to acknowledge that the territory of Palestine is held by a foreign army under the regime of belligerent occupation. A state is not deprived of its status as a state when its territory is occupied. Moreover, as Scott McDonald has aptly pointed out in an earlier post, it is debatable whether the Montevideo Convention criteria provide a guide to the actual practice of states in recognizing entities as states. Entities have been accepted as states when compliance with the Montevideo Convention criteria are doubtful.
Prof. Fletcher compounds his error when he asserts that human rights observance is a criterion for statehood. He asks whether the PA, rather than Palestine, meets this criterion. But even if he were to apply this supposed criterion to Palestine, there is scant evidence that human rights observance needs to be assessed before an entity is considered a state. All that Prof. Fletcher cites is a declaration of European states about territorial changes in Eastern Europe as Yugoslavia and the USSR were coming apart. Prof. Fletcher does not assert, moreover, that Palestine fails this supposed criterion. If he were to explore that question, he could certainly cite human rights failures, as one can with all states. But he would have to acknowledge that Palestine is treated as a state by governmental and non-governmental institutions that have been assessing Palestine against the human rights standards applicable to states. The U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights makes services oriented towards human rights implementation available to Palestine—a service that the High Commissioner is permitted to provide only to states. The High Commissioner apparently considered Palestine a state. So the human rights issue provides better evidence that Palestine is a state, than that it is not.
Prof. Fletcher says that an Art. 12(3) declaration can, according to Rule 44(1) of the ICC Rules of Procedure and Evidence, be made only by a state that is eligible to become a party to the ICC Statute. He does not indicate how that proposition, were it true, is relevant to determining whether Palestine is a state. In fact the proposition is not true. Rule 44(1) merely lets the ICC Prosecutor ask the Registrar to ask a state if it intends to file an Art. 12(3) declaration in a situation in which such a declaration might be relevant. Rule 44(1) says nothing about the character of states eligible to file an Art. 12(3) declaration.
Prof. Fletcher cites Prof. Otto Triffterer’s treatise for a listing of the supposed total number of states in the world, a listing that does not include Palestine. However, the treatise gives this listing only in a footnote. The status of Palestine was not mentioned or analyzed. A definitive listing of states in any event is a hazardous undertaking. Beyond Palestine, plausible arguments can be made for a number of putative states.
As another argument against statehood, Prof. Fletcher says that the PA was not a participating state at the Rome Conference that drafted the ICC Statute. Again, he asks the wrong question. The entity listed in the official records of the Rome Conference is “Palestine,” not the PA. The two Palestine representatives accredited to the Conference were identified in the records as representatives of Palestine, not of the PA. Prof. Fletcher implies that the manner in which the United Nations handled Palestinian participation at the Rome Conference reflected a determination that Palestine is not a state.
That implication is unfounded. The Rome Conference was held pursuant to a call by the U.N. General Assembly. It was a U.N. conference. Invitations went to U.N.-related entities. In its resolution deciding that the conference would be held in Rome in summer 1998, the General Assembly asked the U.N. Secretary-General to invite organizations entitled to participate in the work of U.N.-sponsored conferences. (GA Res. 52/160, December 15, 1997, para. 8). In that resolution the General Assembly provided a list that referred to the P.L.O. as such an organization, based on the General Assembly’s invitation to the P.L.O. in 1974 to be a U.N. observer. (Res. 3237, November 22, 1974). The General Assembly indicated that the Secretary-General should invite Palestine (which by 1997 was designated by that term at the U.N.) along with other U.N.-related entities.
Prof. Fletcher notes, correctly, that Palestine (and here he uses the correct term) was placed under the category of “Other Organizations” in the official list of delegations participating in the Rome Conference. He implies that the category “Other Organizations” was for entities that were not states. No such conclusion is warranted. According to Res. 52/160, certain non-governmental organizations were to be invited to the Rome Conference. They were to have a lesser level of participation than “delegations.” Palestine was not among them.
The category “Other Organizations” was a sub-category in a list of “delegations.” That list was made up of UN member states and state-related organizations. The category “Other Organizations” included but one entry: Palestine. The category thus was a special sub-category, devised specifically for Palestine, under the larger category of “delegations.” The same differentiation appears in annexes to the Final Act of the Conference. There Palestine was listed as having been an observer along with intergovernmental organizations and UN-related entities (Annex III). A separate listing (Annex IV) named non-governmental organizations that participated as observers. Palestine does not appear on the latter list, precisely because it was not invited as being non-governmental. Palestine participated at the level at which states participated, not at the lesser level accorded to non-governmental organizations.
Prof. Fletcher cites as an indication of Palestine’s supposed non-statehood a report produced in 2009 under the American Society of International Law. The report is ambiguous at best on the point, however. The report refers to the Palestine declaration accepting ICC jurisdiction and states that the declaration “raises issues about the authority of the Prosecutor, and of the ICC, to treat as a State an entity which is not generally recognized as a State and which is not a U.N. member.” The authors of the report leave the matter with this single sentence, giving no explanation for whatever status they attribute to Palestine. Their suggestion that U.N. membership is required in order validly to confer jurisdiction on the ICC is incorrect. The ICC Statute contains no such requirement. Their statement that Palestine “is not generally recognized” ignores the more than 100 formal recognitions, and implicit recognition by many others, including Israel and the United States. Moreover, the authors merely say that the declaration raises questions about Palestine’s status. They say nothing definitive on the matter.
Prof. Fletcher himself discusses recognition, but the single authority he cites is faulty. Prof. Fletcher’s source is a statement by Prof. James Crawford in his treatise Creation of States in International Law that “quasi-unanimous support would be required” for Palestine to be a state. Prof. Crawford’s only source for that statement is a 1949 advisory opinion of the International Court of Justice, Reparation for Injuries Suffered in the Service of the United Nations. That advisory opinion, however, had nothing to do with recognition of states, hence is irrelevant on the issue of how much recognition is needed by a putative state. “Quasi-unanimous support,” in the sense of quasi-unanimous recognition, is not demanded in international practice for an entity to be considered a state. A number of states, prominently Israel in 1949, were admitted to the United Nations (for which statehood is required) when many UN member states had not recognized them. These entities were considered to be states despite sparse recognition.
Prof. Fletcher cites the 2003 Road Map as evidence against Palestine statehood, on the theory that the Road Map contemplates the establishment of a Palestine state only in the future. But the Road Map called on the major powers to recognize Palestine as a state within a few weeks of the adoption of the Road Map, if certain acts were accomplished by both parties. Those acts were not in the event accomplished, but the commitment in the Road Map to recognize Palestine within a matter of weeks could have been undertaken only on the assumption that Palestine was a state. Hence, the Road Map, far from providing evidence that Palestine is not a state, provides evidence that Palestine is.
Finally, Prof. Fletcher argues against ICC jurisdiction based on the Palestine Art. 12(3) declaration by saying that acceptance of jurisdiction would involve the ICC inappropriately in “political issues.” Yet the ICC Statute calls for jurisdiction on criteria to be ascertained by the ICC. It would be a repudiation of its assigned functions for the ICC to opt out on political grounds. Other international institutions have faced the same issue when Palestine was relevant to their functioning and founding instruments. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, as noted, did not forego providing human rights advisory services to Palestine, even though those services can be provided only to a state. The European Community concluded a trade deal with Palestine when it determined that such would be useful. EC rules allow for such deals to be concluded only with states. Both the UN High Commissioner and the EC, proceeding with little fanfare, simply carried out their assigned functions, on the assumption that Palestine is a state.
Prof. Fletcher’s arguments against Palestine statehood do not stand up to scrutiny. My own reasons for the conclusion that Palestine is a state were outlined in my own post on this Forum. They are now explained in detail in my book just published by Cambridge University Press, titled The Statehood of Palestine: International Law in the Middle East Conflict (hardback and paperback).