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- muma2018: The International Criminal Court should not Respond Politically to South Africa’s Declaration of Intent to Withdraw from the Court If the International Criminal Court responds politically and negotiates with South Africa on the obligation to arrest, the Court will further threaten its credibility and set a negative precedent of political negotiations. In the past few weeks three countries have declared their intent to withdraw from the... (more)
- magli: Do African ICC Parties Wish to Withdraw from the ICC? Let Them Leave! The purported withdrawal of a small number of African states from the ICC has created a rather unacceptably high degree of hype, which obscures the undeniable positive developments that the international criminal justice has achieved. International criminal justice is a project, which, for better or for worse, has been principally... (more)
- kbanafshe: What are the Consequences of Withdrawing from the International Criminal Court? In the past decade millions of African lives have been lost; this is due to a series of gross genocidal campaigns and humanitarian crimes that have swiftly taken place across the nation. The integral role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is to administer justice, punish perpetrators of crimes and deter future atrocities from taking place. That being said a number of critics... (more)
- isaac.brown: The Registry Should Focus Outreach Efforts on States Parties at Risk for Withdrawal from the Rome Statute The Assembly of States Parties should provide more funding to the Registry for its outreach function. The registry should expand its operations beyond situation states to states parties seen as a risk for withdrawal. This outreach strategy should focus on States where the governments are sufficiently democratically accountable for public... (more)
- Katelyn_Rowe: The ICC Should Investigate More Non-African Countries to Dissuade Other African Withdrawals Summary In order to dissuade additional African countries from withdrawing from the International Criminal Court, the Office of the Prosecutor should open more investigations in non-African countries, particularly Colombia, because this may counter the current geopolitical bias narrative that Burundi has used to justify its... (more)
- Shirin.Tavakoli: Traditional Justice Mechanisms Can Satisfy Complementarity Summary The recent decision by the governments of South Africa, Brundi, and Gambia to leave the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or the “Court”) has created various reactions from the international community. One main reason that these countries’ notice to withdraw is significant is the fear that other African nations will soon follow their footsteps and... (more)
- emrenslo: Sanctions as a Penalty for Withdrawing from the ICC Summary Targeted sanctions should be imposed by states parties of the ICC on the leaders of Burundi and Gambia, and not ruled out against South Africa, as a result of these countries announcing their intent to withdraw from the ICC. Argument In recent weeks, the governments of the Republic of Burundi, the... (more)
- Mehrunisa Ranjh: Diplomacy as a Response to ICC Withdrawals Summary The International Criminal Court (ICC) should deploy a strategy of radical diplomacy in response to the recent withdrawal from the court of South Africa, Burundi, and the Gambia, before taking any action that could potentially compromise the integrity, independence, or enforcement power of the court. Argument South Africa, Burundi, and the... (more)
- taylmer: From what I have noticed, African nations are seeing crimes against humanity being committed by Western countries, with little being done to show accountability. African nations believe they are being targeted, and by many accounts that's exactly what has happened. African nations appear easy to target. Western nations appear much harder, due to their legal systems still being intact. One example is that of Australia. Asylum seekers and refugees are being tortured in detention centres, with... (more)
- Terminusbound: I Support the Withdrawal. The logic that underpins the African states decision to withdraw from the ICC is not that the ICC is a racist institution. The Logic addresses the basic problem that the ICC is a impotent outside of the context of third world states. It is not that the ICC only wants to prosecute Africans, it is that the ICC can only prosecute Africans. The ICC has no power to prosecute living European war criminals or American war criminals. The ICC has no power to prosecute living... (more)
Comment on the Withdrawal Question: “In recent weeks, the governments of the Republic of Burundi, the Republic of South Africa, and the Islamic Republic of the Gambia have announced their intention to withdraw from the ICC. How will this affect the emerging system of international criminal justice in the short and long term? What steps might be taken to strengthen that project?”
The States Parties Must Provide Legal Staff and Financial Aid to Certain Countries
Background
It follows from the Rome Statute that the International Criminal Court’s (the ICC) jurisdiction over atrocities committed in states, which are parties to the Rome Statute, applies when, inter alia, the local, national judicial system in a signatory state is unable or unwilling to bring perpetrators to justice.
Summary of Proposal
The States Parties to the Rome Statute—especially countries with long lasting and well-developed legal systems, competent and independent national courts, an experienced and well-educated legal profession and low corruption (in the following “High Resource Countries”)—should provide certain countries with legal expertise and resources. This initiative should be combined with financial aid as well.
Reasoning
A large number of States Parties from third world countries are skeptical towards the ICC. In the following, these are called “High Risk Countries” due to the high risk of such countries withdrawing from the Rome Statute. Such High Risk Countries are inclined to withdraw from the ICC because they view the ICC as some kind of Western imperialistic institution, which is biased towards targeting and humiliating certain countries and/or parts of the world, especially High Risk Countries.
The High Risk Countries’ willingness (or lack of such) to prosecute their own citizens for atrocities is a separate question, which this paper will not address. There is no reason to discuss High Risk Countries’ willingness or obligation to prosecute atrocities themselves if they do not even have the legal expertise, staff or resources to do so. Hence, my suggestion focuses on enabling High Risk Countries to prosecute atrocities and not the subsequent question about the High Risk Countries’ willingness to do so.
By making High Risk Countries (more) capable of prosecuting their own citizens for committed atrocities, this might prevent (or at least reduce the risk of) High Risk Countries from withdrawing from the Rome Statute. High Risk Countries will be more prone to remain a signatory to the Rome Statute if the High Risk Countries have the resources and expertise to handle their own matters, i.e. prosecute their own citizens and leaders.
Conversely, High Risk Countries will be more likely to withdraw from the ICC if they cannot prosecute—even if they wanted to—citizens and leaders who have committed atrocities comprised by the Rome Statute and the jurisdiction of the ICC.
Legal expertise and resources from High Resource Countries could be in the form of sending lawyers, judges, prosecutors and/or other relevant staff from the legal profession (legal secretaries, government officials etc.), to High Risk Countries for a longer or shorter period of time in order to help training and educating the before mentioned equivalents in these High Risk Countries.
In combination with the above, all States Parties should also consider providing some financial support to the High Risk Countries earmarked to cover expenses associated with improving the physical framework necessary to prosecute the perpetrators in the High Risk Countries, such as courtrooms, meeting facilities, libraries with legal literature etc.
The overall reasoning behind the above-suggested initiatives is simple:
A high degree of involvement from the international community (especially from countries with extensive legal resources, expertise and experience, i.e. High Resource Countries) in High Risk Countries will in the long run eliminate (or at least significantly reduce) the need of involvement from the international community/High Resource Countries. When the High Risk Countries become (more) capable of handling their own matters, the High Resource Countries can withdraw their lawyers, judges, prosecutors etc., who had been sent to the High Risk Countries. Such withdrawal cannot happen from one day to the other, but must be carefully considered and done over time.
The above-described initiative will contribute to the fundamental, institutional development of the judicial system in the High Risk Countries. It cannot be determined in advance or in general how much assistance a specific country will need or for how long. This must be decided on a case-by-case basis and in close corporation with the country in question.
It must be underscored that the involvement of High Resource Countries can only be successful long-term if such involvement is based on corporation with, acceptance and inclusion by the involved High Risk Countries. Hence, legal expertise and resources provided by High Resource Countries may not be unilaterally imposed on the High Risk Countries without their consent, and may only be done to the extent the High Risk Countries agree. Otherwise, the assistance provided by the High Resource Countries will easily be seen as an act of Western imperialism instead of a genuine offer of help and assistance enabling the High Risk Countries to handle their own matters without interference by the ICC and/or Western countries.
Similarly, the financial support should decrease over time as the fundamental, physical prerequisites for prosecuting atrocities in the High Risk Countries (courtrooms, meeting rooms etc.) have been established and only need to be maintained. It is not the intention that High Resource Countries on a permanent basis should finance the maintenance of other countries’ legal infrastructure.
The above described approach have been used several times in relation to helping countries educating and training police forces in the process of rebuilding the countries after the end of an armed conflict in such countries, such as civil war and/or the international community’s use of military force/intervention. Such initiatives have over time helped establish law and order in countries such as Kosovo, Sudan, Iraq, Bosnia and Afghanistan. In these situations the international community has provided experienced police staff, government officials, developed training programs for police officers etc. All with the purpose of enabling the police forces in said countries to function without assistance or intervention from the international community, and in order to (re)establish law and order in a structural and long-lasting manner.
How successful the initiatives have been in relation to (re)establishing a police force in the above mentioned countries, and how successful legal and financial assistance to High Risk Countries is not easy to measure. The mentioned approach will require a sufficiently long time horizon giving the initiatives in the High Risk Countries time to be established, developed and adopted. It goes without saying that something like this takes time because it is not only a matter of building courtrooms, but about creating a judicial system and a legal culture in the High Risk Countries, making such countries capable of investigating and prosecuting atrocities, which would otherwise have been handled by the ICC.
It is, however, considered more likely than unlikely that providing legal staff, training, experience exchange and financial assistance from the international community to High Risk Countries will have a positive effect on the judicial systems in the High Risk Countries. And this positive effect should then (to some extent) make it less likely that the High Risk Countries withdraw from the ICC. The High Risk Countries are in a better position to prosecute crimes against humanity than before the international community provided the assistance (in the form of sending trained judges, prosecutors, lawyers etc. to the High Risk Countries as described above). Consequently, it becomes less relevant for ICC’s prosecutor to initiate investigations and legal proceedings in said countries because they can do it themselves.
It is of course a very different question whether the High Risk Countries are then actually willing to prosecute its own citizens and leaders when/if their judicial systems have been made capable of doing so. However, as a beginning the international community should at least help to bring the High Risk Countries in a position where they can prosecute crimes covered by the Rome Statute themselves. Other measures must then be considered to force or incentivize the High Risk Countries to actually use the judicial system and prosecute their citizens.