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- muma2018: The International Criminal Court should not Respond Politically to South Africa’s Declaration of Intent to Withdraw from the Court If the International Criminal Court responds politically and negotiates with South Africa on the obligation to arrest, the Court will further threaten its credibility and set a negative precedent of political negotiations. In the past few weeks three countries have declared their intent to withdraw from the... (more)
- magli: Do African ICC Parties Wish to Withdraw from the ICC? Let Them Leave! The purported withdrawal of a small number of African states from the ICC has created a rather unacceptably high degree of hype, which obscures the undeniable positive developments that the international criminal justice has achieved. International criminal justice is a project, which, for better or for worse, has been principally... (more)
- kbanafshe: What are the Consequences of Withdrawing from the International Criminal Court? In the past decade millions of African lives have been lost; this is due to a series of gross genocidal campaigns and humanitarian crimes that have swiftly taken place across the nation. The integral role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is to administer justice, punish perpetrators of crimes and deter future atrocities from taking place. That being said a number of critics... (more)
- isaac.brown: The Registry Should Focus Outreach Efforts on States Parties at Risk for Withdrawal from the Rome Statute The Assembly of States Parties should provide more funding to the Registry for its outreach function. The registry should expand its operations beyond situation states to states parties seen as a risk for withdrawal. This outreach strategy should focus on States where the governments are sufficiently democratically accountable for public... (more)
- Katelyn_Rowe: The ICC Should Investigate More Non-African Countries to Dissuade Other African Withdrawals Summary In order to dissuade additional African countries from withdrawing from the International Criminal Court, the Office of the Prosecutor should open more investigations in non-African countries, particularly Colombia, because this may counter the current geopolitical bias narrative that Burundi has used to justify its... (more)
- Shirin.Tavakoli: Traditional Justice Mechanisms Can Satisfy Complementarity Summary The recent decision by the governments of South Africa, Brundi, and Gambia to leave the International Criminal Court (“ICC” or the “Court”) has created various reactions from the international community. One main reason that these countries’ notice to withdraw is significant is the fear that other African nations will soon follow their footsteps and... (more)
- emrenslo: Sanctions as a Penalty for Withdrawing from the ICC Summary Targeted sanctions should be imposed by states parties of the ICC on the leaders of Burundi and Gambia, and not ruled out against South Africa, as a result of these countries announcing their intent to withdraw from the ICC. Argument In recent weeks, the governments of the Republic of Burundi, the... (more)
- Mehrunisa Ranjh: Diplomacy as a Response to ICC Withdrawals Summary The International Criminal Court (ICC) should deploy a strategy of radical diplomacy in response to the recent withdrawal from the court of South Africa, Burundi, and the Gambia, before taking any action that could potentially compromise the integrity, independence, or enforcement power of the court. Argument South Africa, Burundi, and the... (more)
- taylmer: From what I have noticed, African nations are seeing crimes against humanity being committed by Western countries, with little being done to show accountability. African nations believe they are being targeted, and by many accounts that's exactly what has happened. African nations appear easy to target. Western nations appear much harder, due to their legal systems still being intact. One example is that of Australia. Asylum seekers and refugees are being tortured in detention centres, with... (more)
- Terminusbound: I Support the Withdrawal. The logic that underpins the African states decision to withdraw from the ICC is not that the ICC is a racist institution. The Logic addresses the basic problem that the ICC is a impotent outside of the context of third world states. It is not that the ICC only wants to prosecute Africans, it is that the ICC can only prosecute Africans. The ICC has no power to prosecute living European war criminals or American war criminals. The ICC has no power to prosecute living... (more)
Comment on the Withdrawal Question: “In recent weeks, the governments of the Republic of Burundi, the Republic of South Africa, and the Islamic Republic of the Gambia have announced their intention to withdraw from the ICC. How will this affect the emerging system of international criminal justice in the short and long term? What steps might be taken to strengthen that project?”
Exercising Restraint: ICC Cooperation with the Security Council and Regional Courts
While the International Criminal Court (ICC) can be construed as a unifying institution to investigate and prosecute crimes at an international level, many countries believe that the ICC is inherently biased in favor of Western countries, leading to possible defection from the ICC. To minimize defection and perceived bias, the ICC can bind its jurisdiction specifically to referrals from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Moreover, rather than moving forward with more investigations, the ICC could instead focus on coordinating with regional courts to address crimes.
To dispel notions that the ICC is biased against certain countries, the Court can limit its investigations to referrals by the UNSC. Since the ICC’s inception in 2002, many African leaders now distrust the Court due to a perceived bias against African countries. Indeed, every one of thirty-two publicly issued indictments are of African individuals.1 Moreover, African leaders note that while the ICC has indicted numerous African individuals, the Court has not been involved with recent atrocities outside of Africa, such as war crimes during the Syrian Civil War, which began in 2011.2 Rather than focusing on indictments or opening more investigations, the Court can exercise restraint and rely instead on UNSC referrals. The UNSC requires a level of precision and consideration not present in a state party referral or the Prosecutor’s proprio motu power.3 Indeed, the UNSC must first determine that a “threat to the peace” exists under article 39 of the Charter of the United Nations and only then can it proceed to take action under either article 41 or 42, which governs whether to use force.4 Given the UNSC’s referral to the ICC and implicit agreement that an international response is required in a situation, the UNSC would likely be more willing to cooperate with the ICC to impose sanctions against the offending state party.5 By exercising restraint and deferring to the UNSC’s referrals, the ICC would be able to counter states’ beliefs that the Court is simply an extension of Western imperialism.
In addition to greater coordination with the UNSC, the ICC can simultaneously pursue cooperation with regional courts, such as the East African Court of Justice. The ICC can combat possible criticisms of bias and impunity by working closely with regional courts, which would allow the Court to be more attuned to regional beliefs and to consider the nuances of issues, such as human rights, within a specific country’s sociopolitical framework.6 Further, with greater cooperation, the ICC would likely bolster the legitimacy of the regional courts, while also diminishing the perception that the Court is simply imposing its own values on any state party.
In deferring to UNSC referrals and working closely with regional courts, the ICC would be able to strike a balance between granting an exemption from punishment and being perceived as overly aggressive or biased towards certain states parties. Additionally, greater cooperation between regional and international institutions can result in greater efficiency in addressing wrongful conduct, as well as a better understanding of the political and cultural nuances within each country.
Endnotes — (click the footnote reference number, or ↩ symbol, to return to location in text).
Adam Taylor, Why so Many African Leaders Hate the International Criminal Court, Wash. Post, Nov. 6, 2016, available online. ↩
Id. ↩
Rebecca Bowman, Lubanga, the DRC and the African Court: Lessons learned from the first International Criminal Court case, 7 Afr. Hum. Rts. L.J. 412, 443 (2007), available online, archived. ↩
Id. ↩
Cooperation and the International Criminal Court: Perspectives from Theory and Practice 167 (Olympia Bekou & Daley J. Birkett eds., 2016). ↩
Tatiana E. Sainati, Divided We Fall: How the International Criminal Court Can Promote Compliance with International Law by Working with Regional Courts, 49 Vand. J. Transnat’l L. 191, 236 (2016), available online, archived. ↩