I. Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict

Sexual violence, one of the crimes against humanity under the ICC’s jurisdiction,10 is widely recognized as a problem in armed conflicts and is frequently used as a weapon of war in situations such as ethnic cleansing and genocide.11 The Rome Statute defines sexual violence as “rape, sexual slavery, forced prostitution, pregnancy, sterilization, or abortion, or any other form of sexual violence of comparable gravity”12 when committed as part of a widespread or systemic attack directed against any civil population.13 Although the extent and forms vary across conflicts, it seems to mainly impact the most vulnerable populations in conflict zones and usually increases throughout the duration of a conflict.14 Furthermore, oftentimes sexual violence continues, and even increases, in the aftermath of a conflict due to insecurity in the area.15 The actors range from individuals acting opportunistically to groups engaging in sexualized torture against those suspected to be an enemy, in private or public settings.16

Sexual violence in armed conflict was not recognized as an international crime until 1992 after Muslim women in Bosnia-Herzegovina were systematically sexually abused by Bosnian Serb forces.17 The Rwandan Genocide also brought sexual violence in conflict to the forefront of discussion because the widespread rape of Tutsi women was so extensive the International Criminal Tribunal deemed it a form of genocide.18 Today, sexual violence is used systematically in conflict for multiple reasons: to terrorize populations, change the ethnic make-up of future generations, deliberately infect women from a targeted community with HIV, and break up families, just to name a few.19 For a long time sexual violence was considered inevitable in war, but recent studies suggest otherwise.20 Some conflicts have very low to no wartime sexual violence, suggesting it’s preventable or possible to deter.21 For example, Salvadoran and Sri Lankan insurgency militants do not participate in sexual violence against civilians, and rates are shockingly low in the Israel/Palestine conflict.22

When deciding what crime to use for this study, I chose sexual violence because it is so frequent in every facet of the world and not heavily dependent on certain characteristics of conflict—it occurs in both interstate and civil wars at all levels of intensity, and the type of conflict nor the region of the conflict seem to affect the rate of sexual violence.23

II. Introducing the SVAC Dataset

The SVAC Dataset, compiled by Dara Cohen and her team, measures reports of conflict-related sexual violence committed by armed actors from 1989 to 2009.24 The data covers all armed conflicts from 1989 to 2009 as defined by the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Database.25 Cohen relies on armed conflict being defined as “a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths.”26 This definition encompasses intrastate, internationalized internal, and interstate conflicts including large-scale wars and lower intensity armed conflicts.27 Furthermore, the term “armed actors” includes state forces, rebel groups, and pro-government militias (PGMs).28 The SVAC Dataset also includes data for interim years and five years post-conflict.29 In the 20 year period there were 129 active conflicts with 625 armed actors.30

In order to acquire meaningful data on sexual violence in armed conflicts, the SVAC team created a coding method and looked at reports from the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch.31 The U.S. State Department reports are published annually and summarize the Human Rights record for every country except the United States.32 The other two groups both publish two types of reports: (1) annual reports by country, and (2) periodic special reports by country and/or human rights issue.33 Cohen relied on these sources because they are the most commonly used sources in quantitative human rights scholarship and provide a source for annual global coverage.34 Additionally, they are considered to be trustworthy and reliable for data on human rights violations.35 Out of the six dimensions of sexual violence the SVAC Dataset examines, I will be focusing on the prevalence dimension.36 Each of the three reports for each separate actor-conflict-year combination is coded with a number from zero to three for prevalence of sexual violence. Zero means a report was issued but there was no mention of sexual violence related to that actor-conflict-year.37 One means there were isolated incidents of sexual violence, usually with numbers of victims ranging from one to 25.38 This was coded with words such as “isolated reports” and “reports of.” Two means there were numerous incidents of sexual violence, usually with numbers of victims ranging from 25 to 999 per year.39 This was coded with words such as “widespread,” “common,” “extensive,” “frequent,” “often,” and “spree.” Three means sexual violence occurred on a massive scale and was likely systematic or innumerable. This was coded with terms such as “means of intimidation,” “instrument of control and punishment,” “terror tactic,” or “weapon.”40

It must be noted the SVAC Dataset has its limitations due to possible biases. First, the reports may focus more on certain types of victims than others which could result in systematic underreporting.41 One example of this is male victims, which account for less than 1% of the observations in the SVAC Dataset.42 This could be due to non-governmental organizations and others mainly focusing on female victims in conflict zones.43 Cohen tried to limit reporting bias by using multiple data sources. The correlations between the prevalence variables from the three reports is fairly high: 0.47− 0.5.44 This strongly indicates the sources are reporting different levels of sexual violence by armed actors, thus evening out each other’s biases.45

Second, underreporting by victims is especially common in cases of sexual violence. It can be assumed the estimated numbers of victims are very conservative because many are unwilling or unable to report the incident due to fear of stigmatization, shame, fear of retributive violence, or inability to reach authorities.46 Additionally, because they are examining data on sexual violence in armed conflict, many victims and witnesses likely do not survive the assault or the conflict to report the incident. Sexual violence against males is especially likely to be underreported due to the severe stigma associated with reporting these types of incidents.47

Third, sexual violence in armed conflict has raised more international attention in recent years causing more resources and efforts to be focused on this issue. This likely means detection and reporting has also increased in recent years.48

Fourth, biases from data coding could be present. Translating qualitative reports of human rights abuses into quantitative data is a difficult task, and some people suggest that research assistants tend to code worse violations if reports are longer regardless of the actual content.49 Cohen’s team tried to mitigate this by having detailed and frequent training for the coding team, as well as documenting all coding decisions in an effort to make the process transparent.50 Additionally, in order for an instance of sexual violence to count for an actor-conflict-year combination, it must have been specifically mentioned in conjunction with the respective party.51 For example, “rebels” would not suffice and would not have been counted. This could have somewhat skewed the dataset.

III. Working Hypotheses About the ICC’s Effect on Sexual Violence52

When starting my research I decided to focus on two main topics: (1) how successful the existence of the ICC is at deterring states, rebel groups, and PGMs from participating in armed conflict and acts of conflict-related sexual violence (and as a subset to that how it specifically impacts the actions of states), and (2) how successful the ICC is at deterring states, rebel groups, and PGMs from engaging in armed conflict and acts of conflict-related sexual violence in nations that are states parties to the Court. This is an interesting way to approach the question of the ICC as a deterrent because the results will shed light on whether the creation of the Court alone is enough to deter the crimes under the Court’s jurisdiction or if a nation must be a state party in order for the Court to deter crimes in that nation. To analyze these two main topics I developed three factors: (1) armed actors participating in conflict (AA), (2) armed actors engaging in sexual violence (AASV), and (3) the intensity of the sexual violence occurring (ISV).

To measure the effect the creation of the ICC had on armed actors worldwide, I will measure each of the three factors and see how the results change after the Rome Statute came into force in 2002. First, I think the number of armed actors (states, rebel groups, and PGMs) should slightly decrease after 2002. Although the Court is not meant to deter conflict, I suspect some armed actors will be deterred from continuing their fight once an international court of justice is monitoring actions in wartime.

Second, I think the percent of armed actors (states, rebel groups, and PGMs) utilizing sexual violence should decrease. The ICC was created to monitor specific crimes within conflict and has the ability to hold perpetrators accountable. Thus, it can be reasoned that armed actors would be less likely to use sexual violence in conflict because it is a crime against humanity under the Court’s jurisdiction. Is the threat of the Court holding a party accountable enough to deter crimes in conflict?

Third, I think the level of intensity of sexual violence by armed actors (states, rebel groups, and PGMs) will decrease after 2002. Are armed actors who aren’t deterred from using sexual violence after 2002 at least committing this crime against humanity at a less intense rate? It is reasonable to assume that armed actors who are still using sexual violence in armed conflict are doing so at lower levels than prior to the creation of the Court now that a system of justice can hold them accountable for committing heinous and widespread atrocities.

Next, I wanted to examine the above questions further to see what effect the Court had solely on armed actors that are states. For this I only examined the first two factors: (1) states as armed actors participating in conflict, and (2) states as armed actors engaging in sexual violence. First, I think the number of states as armed actors will decrease after the Rome Statute came into force in 2002. Again, even though the Court does not prohibit acting in conflict, I suspect some states will be deterred from fighting once an international court is monitoring actions in wartime. Second, I expect the number of states as armed actors utilizing sexual violence to significantly decrease after 2002. States’ actions, more than rebel groups or PGMs, are in the spotlight, so I suspect the Rome Statute coming into force deterred them from committing crimes against humanity due to fear of indictment.

Lastly, to analyze the effect the Court has on states parties, I will measure each of the three factors and analyzed how the results changed after a state ratified the Rome Statute.53 First, I think the rate of armed actors in a state party will decrease after that state ratified the Rome Statute. As mentioned above, although dissuading conflict is not an aim of the Court, it is reasonable to believe the number of armed actors in a state party will drop off for fear of indictment due to crimes committed during wartime.

Second, I suspect the percent of armed actors utilizing sexual violence in a state party will significantly decrease after a state ratifies the Rome Statute. If the ICC successfully works as a deterrent, it would be assumed that armed actors would be significantly less likely to participate in crimes under the Court’s jurisdiction, especially in states parties.

Third, I think the intensity of sexual violence by armed actors in a state party will decrease after that state ratifies the Rome Statute. It is probable that armed actors in a state party who are still using sexual violence during conflict are doing so at lower levels prior to when the state ratified the Rome Statute.

Overall, I expect rates of armed actors, armed actors utilizing sexual violence, and the intensity of sexual violence to decrease both after the Rome Statute came into force in 2002 and after states ratified the Rome Statute.

IV. Empirical Investigation of the ICC’s Impacts

A. Creation of the ICC as a Deterrent

First, I wanted to test my hypotheses on whether the creation of the ICC is a deterrent to armed actors participating in conflict and armed actors using sexual violence in conflict, and whether the creation of the ICC decreases the rate of intensity of the sexual violence occurring. For these calculations my X scale is 1989 to 2009.

The first of the three factors was an easy calculation—I calculated the number of armed actors in each given year between 1989 to 2009.54 As Figure 1 shows, the number of armed actors greatly varies from 1989 to 2009 and shows no real change since the Court came into existence in 2002. The number of armed actors actually spikes at an all time high in 2004. The graph does show a downward trend since 2006, and it would be interesting to examine the data from 2009 until now to see if the downward trend continued. However, it can still be concluded the creation of the ICC in 2002 did not deter armed actors from participating in conflict.

This disproves my hypotheses that there would be a slight decrease in the number of armed actors after the Rome Statute came into force in 2002. In hindsight, these results make sense. The ICC is not an institution that is against conflict or war itself, it just stands against certain injustices that are committed during conflict: genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity.56 These results do not speak against the Court’s ability to work as a deterrent for the crimes that fall under their jurisdiction.

To find the percent of armed actors participating in sexual violence I calculated how many armed actors per year had a U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, or Human Rights Watch score of at least one. Then, I divided that score by the total number of armed actors that year (as shown in Figure 1). As seen in Figure 1, the percent of armed actors involved in sexual violence has significantly decreased since 2002. Although it peaked in 2002, within two years the rate dropped to its lowest point since 1999.

This proves my hypothesis that the rate of armed actors participating in sexual violence would decrease since the Rome Statute came into force in 2002. When coupled with the results from Figure 1, it seems the Court does work at deterring certain crimes to some extent. Although the number of armed actors did not decrease, the overall rate of armed actors engaging in a crime against humanity significantly decreased by over 7%.

Lastly, I used a point system to find the average intensity of the sexual violence occurring each year. In the SVAC Dataset each actor-conflict-year combination could be awarded a maximum total of nine points: three from each the U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, and Human Rights Watch reports. I calculated how many points every armed actor received, added them together, and then divided it by the maximum number of points that could have been received that year (AASV multiplied by 9).58 As seen in Figure 3, the intensity of sexual violence occurring per year greatly varies and shows a slight decreasing trend since the Rome Statute came into force in 2002. However, I am cautious to attribute this downward trend to the Court because the statistics vary so greatly across the dataset.

This somewhat disproves my hypothesis that the intensity of sexual violence by armed actors would decrease after the Rome Statute came into force. There does seem to be a slight decrease, yet the second highest rate in the dataset is in 2003. As mentioned above, the rates of intensity are so varied that attributing a decrease to the Court would be unsupported. It would be interesting to examine data from 2009 to the present to see if the downward trend continued, or if the intensity levels vary in a similar way as in the past.

B. Creation of the ICC as a Deterrent on States that are Armed Actors

Second, after testing my hypotheses on whether the creation of the ICC is a deterrent to state, rebel, and PGM armed actors, I wanted to narrow down the dataset to see if the creation of the ICC had a more noticeable effect on just state armed actors.60 I calculated how many of the armed actors in a certain year were state actors and divided it by the total number of armed actors in that same year. Then I did the same for state actors that are participating in sexual violence. For these calculations, my X scale is 1989 to 2009. Figure 4 shows the percent of armed actors that are states started to decrease after the Rome Statute came into force in 2002, but the percent of states participating in sexual violence actually increased.

This supports my hypothesis. Although one of the ICC’s aims is not to deter conflict, the decrease in states as armed actors indicates the creation of the ICC had some deterrent effect on states acting in armed conflict. However, this decrease in percent of states as armed actors means an increase in rebel groups and PGMs. A more thorough comparison of states, rebels, and PGMs as armed actors would need to be conducted in order to shed light on the suggestion that the Court deterred states from being armed actors more so than rebel groups or PGMs.

Figure 4 also indicates the percent of armed actors participating in sexual violence that are states actually increased once the Rome Statute came into force. This disproves my hypothesis. The data widely varies, and since the creation of the Court levels of states as armed actors utilizing sexual violence has stayed relatively on par or lower than the years before the Court. An increasing percent of states as armed actors utilizing sexual violence means a decreasing percent of rebels and PGMs are utilizing sexual violence. It can be suggested that the Court had little to no impact on the number of states participating in sexual, but deterred rebels and PGMs from participating in sexual violence. Again, a more thorough comparison of states, rebels, and PGMs as armed actors participating in sexual violence would need to be conducted in order to better support this finding.

C. Deterrent Effects of the ICC on Armed Actors in States Parties

Third, I tested my hypotheses on whether the ICC deters armed actors participating in conflict and using sexual violence in states parties, and whether the ICC decreases the rate of intensity of sexual violence in states parties. For these calculations, my X scale is negative five to five, with zero being the year a nation ratified the Rome Statute.62 Although conflicts occurred in 41 states parties, this data is comprised of conflicts in 32 states.63 Nine states parties are excluded from this dataset due to ratification after 2009 or no conflicts occurring in that nation within the negative five to five year period. Additionally, there is data from year −10 (if a nation just ratified the Rome Statute in 2009) to year 10 (if a nation ratified the Rome Statute in 1999). However, due to a majority of states ratifying the Rome Statute in 2001 and 2002, I limited the dataset to a maximum of negative five years prior to ratification to five years after ratification in order to yield the most accurate results.

The number of armed actors operating in states parties per year was calculated differently than the number of armed actors operating overall due to there being a different number of states parties each year on the modified X scale (compared to a relatively static number of nations in the world from 1989 to 2009).64 Rather than using the raw number of armed actors for this data, I calculated the average rate of armed actors operating per each state party that year. Figure 5 shows a significant decrease in the rate of armed actors operating in states parties after the third year post-ratification. It also shows that rates immediately prior to ratifying the Rome Statute were at a steadily high rate.

This proves my hypothesis there would be a decrease of armed actors operating in states parties. The three-year delay can likely be attributed to it taking time for armed actors to stop participating in conflict after the ratification of the Rome Statute and for armed actors in the state party to take the commitment to the Court seriously. After four years of a rather steady rate of armed actors, a decline seems to be a promising sign that ratifying the Rome Statute helps deter armed actors from participating in conflict in that state.

Next, I calculated the percent of armed actors engaging in sexual violence in states parties. To find this, I calculated how many armed actors in a state party per each X value had a U.S. State Department, Amnesty International, or Human Rights Watch score of at least one. Then, I divided that score by the total number of armed actors in a state party per that X value. Figure 6 shows a significant decrease in the number of armed actors participating in sexual violence in a state party after that state ratified the Rome Statute.

This proves my hypothesis that the rate of armed actors in states parties participating in sexual violence would decrease after the state became a party to the Rome Statute. This was my most exciting result, as it suggests that being a party to the Court significantly decreases the rate of sexual violence in armed conflict, thus confirming the Court successfully functions as a deterrent to a crime against humanity. At the year of ratification, the rate of sexual violence drops by almost 5%, and hits an eight year low by year three. Although the rate rises slightly in years four or five, the overall downward trend seems promising. More recent data would need to be examined to confirm these findings and to analyze an overall trend.

To calculate the intensity of sexual violence occurring in states parties I, once again, used the point system. For each of the 32 states parties being examined I calculated the intensity of sexual violence for each X value negative five to five. Then I added those values together and divided them by the number of states parties that had armed actors using sexual violence in each given X value to get the average intensity.67 Figure 7 shows a significant decrease the year the state ratifies the Rome Statute, and after that a continually decreasing trend.

This confirms my hypothesis that the intensity of sexual violence by armed actors in states parties would decrease after a state ratifies the Rome Statute. Although there is a slight increase in the first and second year after ratification, like the rate of sexual violence among armed actors in states parties, intensity sees an eight year low at year three. This data further suggests that being a state party to the Court does help deter not only sexual violence in armed conflicts, but the level of intensity of the sexual violence that is occurring.

V. Conclusion

The ICC is the most determined effort to date to bring justice to victims of the most heinous human rights violations. It is imperative to the success of the Court that its effects on extrinsic actors be studied so the ICC knows its places of weakness and where it needs to improve in order to be a thriving and respected institution of justice.

My study was an effort to quantitatively measure the deterrent effect the Court has on one of the crimes against humanity in its jurisdiction: sexual violence. The results suggest the Court helped decrease rates overall of armed actors participating in sexual violence after the Rome Statute came into force, and helped decrease rates in a state party of armed actors participating in sexual violence, and the intensity of sexual violence, after a state ratified the Rome Statue. The rate of reduction of armed actors participating in sexual violence in states parties was greater than the reduction overall, strongly indicating that states are more likely to reap the deterrent effects of the Court if they are a state party. In total, the results showed promise that the ICC is effectively working to deter, to some extent, crimes within its jurisdiction.

Table 3. ICC States Parties Per Year (X=0)

−5	−4	−3	−2	−1	0	1	2	3	4	5
30	30	30	30	30	31	32	31	30	29	28

Endnotes — (click the footnote reference number, or ↩ symbol, to return to location in text).

1. 1.

   International Criminal Court, Report of the Court on the Development of Performance Indicators for the International Criminal Court (Nov. 12, 2015), available online, archived. ↩

2. 2.

   Id. ↩

3. 3.

   About, ICC, available online (last visited Dec. 15, 2016). ↩

4. 4.

   Hyeran Jo & Beth A. Simmons, Can the International Criminal Court Deter Atrocity? (Dec. 18, 2014), available online. ↩

5. 5.

   Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Adopted by the United Nations Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court, Jul. 17 1998, UN Doc. A/CONF.183/9 [hereinafter Rome Statute], Art. 5(1)(a-c), available online. ↩

6. 6.

   Jo & Simmons, supra note 4, at 6. ↩

7. 7.

   About, supra note 3. ↩

8. 8.

   Jo & Simmons, supra note 4, at 4. ↩

9. 9.

   Dara Kay Cohen & Ragnhild Nordås, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict Dataset, available online (last visited Dec. 14, 2016) [hereinafter SVAC Dataset]. ↩

10. 10.

    Rome Statute, supra note 5. ↩

11. 11.

    Dara Kay Cohen & Ragnhild Nordås, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict: Introducing the SVAC Dataset, 1989–2009, 51 J. Peace Research 418 (2014) [hereinafter Introducing SVAC Dataset], available online. ↩

12. 12.

    Rome Statute, supra note 5. ↩

13. 13.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11.

    (further expands this definition to include sexual mutilation and sexual torture). ↩

14. 14.

    Elisabeth Jean Wood, Sexual Violence During War: Variation and Accountability, in Collective Violence and International Criminal Justice 295, 297 (Alette Smeulers ed., 2010), available online. ↩

15. 15.

    Background Information on Sexual Violence used as a Tool of War, Outreach Programme on the Rwanda Genocide and the United Nations, UN, available online (last visited Dec. 14, 2016) [hereinafter Tool of War]. ↩

16. 16.

    Wood, supra note 14, at 295. ↩

17. 17.

    Tool of War, supra note 15. ↩

18. 18.

    Wood, supra note 14, at 295. ↩

19. 19.

    Tool of War, supra note 15. ↩

20. 20.

    Wood, supra note 14, at 296. ↩

21. 21.

    Id. ↩

22. 22.

    Id. ↩

23. 23.

    Wood, supra note 14, at 301. ↩

24. 24.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11, at 419. ↩

25. 25.

    Lotta Harbom, Erik Melander & Peter Wallensteen, Dyadic Dimensions of Armed Conflict, 1946–2007. 45(5): 697–710 (Sep. 1, 2008), SAGE paywall. ↩

26. 26.

    Nils Petter Gleditsch, Peter Wallensteen, Mikael Eriksson, Margareta Sollenberg & Håvard Strand, Armed Conflict 1946–2001: A New Dataset, 39 J. Peace Research 615 (2002), SAGE paywall. ↩

27. 27.

    Frequently Asked Questions, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict Dataset, available online (last visited Dec. 14, 2016). ↩

28. 28.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11, at 419. ↩

29. 29.

    Id. ↩

30. 30.

    Id. ↩

31. 31.

    Id. at 421. ↩

32. 32.

    Id. ↩

33. 33.

    Id. ↩

34. 34.

    Id. ↩

35. 35.

    Id. ↩

36. 36.

    Id. at 419. ↩

37. 37.

    Dara Kay Cohen & Ragnhild Nordås, Sexual Violence in Armed Conflict Dataset: Codebook and User Instruction Guide (Oct. 25, 2013), available online. ↩

38. 38.

    Id. ↩

39. 39.

    Id. ↩

40. 40.

    Id. ↩

41. 41.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11, at 421. ↩

42. 42.

    SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

43. 43.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11, at 421. ↩

44. 44.

    Id. at 422. ↩

45. 45.

    Id. ↩

46. 46.

    Id. at 421. ↩

47. 47.

    Id. at 422. ↩

48. 48.

    Id. ↩

49. 49.

    Introducing the SVAC Dataset, supra note 11, at 421. ↩

50. 50.

    Id. ↩

51. 51.

    Id. at 422. ↩

52. 52.

    See Table 1 for summary of hypotheses. ↩

53. 53.

    Ratification of the Rome Statute is indicated by X=0. ↩

54. 54.

    see Wood, supra note 14.

    (The data on interim years and five post-conflict years was included because sexual violence often continues, and sometimes increases, after a conflict ends). ↩

55. 55.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

56. 56.

    Rome Statute, supra note 5. ↩

57. 57.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

58. 58.

    For example, in 1989 there were 17 AASV. 12 AASV were given a 1, 6 were given a 2, and 0 were given a 3, so the calculation was:
    ( (12 × 1) + (6 × 2) + (0 × 3) ) ÷ (17 × 9) giving an average intensity level of 16%. ↩

59. 59.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

60. 60.

    See SVAC Dataset, supra note 9.

    (State actors are labeled category 1 in the SVAC Dataset. This does not include state actors helping the main state or state actors helping rebel groups). ↩

61. 61.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

62. 62.

    States Parties—Chronological List, ICC, available online (last visited Dec. 15, 2016).

    (Data taken from chronological list of ratifications). ↩

63. 63.

    See Table 2 for the list of states parties that comprised the dataset. ↩

64. 64.

    See Table 3 for a list of how many states were considered for each year on the X scale. ↩

65. 65.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩

66. 66.

    Id. ↩

67. 67.

    For example, X value −5 had 10 countries with armed actors using sexual violence. Their ISV scores added up to 214%. 214% ÷ 10 = average intensity of 21.4%. ↩

68. 68.

    Results calculated using data from the SVAC Dataset, supra note 9. ↩