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- danterzian: The Peace and Justice Initiative argues that customary international law lifts Head of State immunity in cases of international crimes before international tribunals. I disagree. I do not believe they make a persuasive argument for the existence of this customary international law. Establishing a customary international law requires a widespread state practice that is undertaken out of a sense of legal obligation. Thus, since customary international law is based on state practice, the... (more)
- Scott McDonald: I agree with the argument that the nexus between U.N.S.C. 1593 and membership in the Genocide Convention means that Sudan and other Contracting Parties have accepted the jurisdiction of the ICC in this instance. However, this argument only utilizes half of the rationale present in the Bosnia Genocide case. By focusing solely on the obligation to punish created by the Convention, you are ignoring the obligation to prevent genocide that was also highlighted by the ICJ. While there are... (more)
- Peace and Justice... Introduction The current Sudanese President, Omar Al-Bashir, is subject to two outstanding arrest warrants issued by the ICC. The first warrant includes charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, arising from the atrocities that have occurred in Darfur over recent years. The second warrant includes charges of genocide, also in relation to Darfur.1 The issuance of these warrants raises the question of whether States are obliged to arrest... (more)
- Cecilia: Although Ivory Coast is not a state party to the Rome Statute, the ICC may establish its jurisdiction to investigate the alleged human rights violation that occurred after the 2010 presidential election. Article 12.3 of the Rome Statute provides in relevant part: “If the acceptance of a State in which is not a Party to this Statute is required under paragraph the State may, by declaration lodged with the Registrar, accept the exercise of... (more)
- Cardon: Without grappling with the whole of your comment, I’ll just address your contention that the Prosecutor must maintain a presumption of innocence pursuant to Article 66 (not Article 64) of the ICC Statute. That’s a novel idea! Prosecutors are tasked with building a case against a suspect/defendant. A prosecutor has the burden of proving the guilt of the accused. It’s hard to see how they could do so while maintaining a presumption of innocence.... (more)
- alk1668: Important facts about the situation in Cote D’ Ivoire. “Some lawyers close to the International Criminal Court (ICC) rebelled against the words of the Prosecutor at the ICC.” We are a group of lawyers near the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Arusha, Tanzania, and also near the International Criminal Court based in The Hague in the Netherlands... (more)
- davidlee211: The AU decision to not arrest or surrender Al Bashir in accordance with an ICC order does not override or suspend existing obligations of ICC States Parties under the Rome Statute. Therefore, ICC States Parties are obligated to cooperate with the ICC. The African Union (“AU”) has the legal competence to require AU members to not cooperate with the International Criminal Court (“ICC... (more)
- JJ Paust: With respect to non-immunity of sitting or former heads of state or officials under international law, our casebook notes the prosecution of Conradin von Hohenstafen in 1268, Peter von Hagenbach in 1474, the “trial” by an int’l congress of Napoleon in 1818 (punishment = exile), the indictment in absentia of Kaiser Wilhelm in the 1919 Treaty of Versailles, the 1919 Responsibilities Commission Report recognizing head of state responsibility, the dicta in the U.S.... (more)
- G. L.: I. Introduction: Currently, the International Criminal Court (ICC) case against President Omar Al Bashir faces the reality that no incumbent head of state has ever been arrested and prosecuted by an international tribunal, at least in part due to the well-established principle of head of state immunity. In analyzing the justifications and development of immunities under international law, I will argue that immunity does not protect Al Bashir... (more)
- JJ Paust: Under Article IV of the Genocide Convention, there is absolutely no immunity for any person of any present or past status—especially a sitting ruler or official—and the same holds true with respect to any other international criminal instrument. For example, there is absolutely no immunity for a head of state or official under Article 27 of the Rome Statute of the ICC. Clearly, the preamble to the Rome Statute is also relevant when it... (more)
Comment on the Darfur Question: “What are the obligations of Contracting Parties to the Genocide Convention to implement arrest warrants for genocide issued by the ICC, and of African Union State Parties to implement ICC arrest warrants generally?”
Important facts about the situation in Cote D’ Ivoire.
“Some lawyers close to the International Criminal Court (ICC) rebelled against the words of the Prosecutor at the ICC.”
We are a group of lawyers near the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), based in Arusha, Tanzania, and also near the International Criminal Court based in The Hague in the Netherlands.
We are challenged by the events taking place in Côte d’Ivoire and Africa that leave no one indifferent. Our membership in the International System of Justice, leads us to wonder at the words of Prosecutor near the ICC, Mr Luis Moreno-Ocampo about which resemble clear threat against one of the litigants, and more precisely against the camp of President Laurent Gbagbo.
This untimely interference ICC Prosecutor in this case attempts to show the intention of transforming it to this August Court in a political weapon in the sole of the Western powers. There is reason to wonder when Mr. Prosecutor of the ICC to conduct its investigations to index a camp as being responsible for crimes that may have committed in CI after the elections.
This position reflects that announced after the elections by some Western powers fear that leads us to Mr Moreno-Ocampo does not show a bias outrageous. And if so we are the antithesis of the noble spirit which prevailed in the establishment of the Court which he is the prosecutor.
Indeed, Mr Moreno-Ocampo seems to want to use prosecutorial discretion that is his privilege, for political purposes, and seems very clear to President Gbagbo said: “Leave the power transfer your site to Mr Ouattara, otherwise we will continue for crimes against humanity etc....”
We remember that recently Mr. Moreno-Ocampo did not hesitate to point the finger and mention by name the Minister Charles Ble Goude as requiring the prosecution before the ICC. And in doing so the prosecutor has identified a suspect even before determining the crime, which shows a bias outrageous!
Prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo is it in the spirit that prevailed in the establishment of the International Criminal Court when he does so? It appears not, and if this attitude persists it will remove all credibility with this Court. In doing so the prosecutor Moreno-Ocampo violates a fundamental principle of law and even the rules of the ICC:
Violation of a fundamental principle of law:
Breach of the ICC:
Having made these observations, it should be noted here that while they had signed the Rome Statute, Côte d’Ivoire has not ratified the Statute and is therefore not to date Member State of the ICC;
Côte d’Ivoire is not the only state in this situation, we in Africa including Cameroon, America, the United States, Asia, China, which have not ratified the Statute.
It is interesting to dwell on the reasons given by China to refuse to ratify:
One can realize that fear of China is found to deal with what is happening in Côte d’Ivoire, where the Prosecutor is spirited to brandish the threat of prosecution as a scarecrow for President Gbagbo to assign the seat of President of the Republic of Côte d’Ivoire to the person selected by the
“International community”, this nebula.
When one follows the history of Côte d’Ivoire is the question of why the ICC has not even lifted the threat against the rebels when they are delivered to all sorts of abuses From September 2002, although this is within the jurisdiction of the Court, in operation since July 2002
How the ICC intends to establish its credibility if she allows herself to be drawn into political manipulation as is the case in Côte d’Ivoire?
How is it that the ICC interfering in internal political conflict and a threat of the parties remaining completely silent for many years on the actions of the other party?
How the ICC can explain that, suddenly, she became concerned about the protection of the Ivorian people ignored it and continued to ignore yesterday because obviously this is not the interest of the Ivorian people it protects
How to understand that the ICC has issued and continues not to issue threats against the French soldiers who had fired on the unarmed crowd in Abidjan in 2004? If the prefect Abengourou, attacked the 25 or Jan. 26 by the youth of RhD, the abuses of Duekoue, Daloa etc..And the list goes on…
All this should lead us to ask whether the ICC is not a new weapon placed in the hands of Western countries to threaten and enslave the South through other hidden aspects of legality under etc…
Josette Kadji me,
Attorney at Law Society of Cameroon and near the ICTR and the ICC
Jean de Dieu Momo,
Attorney at Law Society of Cameroon and near the ICTR