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- miltonlaw: Africa and the Concept of Positive Complementarity The answer to the allegation that Africa is inappropriately targeted by international criminal court could as well lie in the sui generis concept of positive complementary. My doctoral thesis research title is: The international criminal court and positive complementarity: Institutional and legal framework. I. Introduction It is the... (more)
- almariam: Saving the ICC: A Proposal for a Witness Protection Program Justice delayed, again? In late January of this year, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Kenyatta at the ICC: Is Justice Deferred, Justice Denied?” In that commentary I openly expressed my angst over the endless delays, postponements and backpedalling talk about “false evidence” and “lying witnesses” surrounding the Uhuru Kenyatta trial at The Hague. I felt there was perhaps... (more)
- almariam: Kenyatta at the ICC: Is Justice Deferred, Justice Denied? I am getting a little jittery over the repeated delays, postponements and all the backpedalling talk about “false evidence” and “lying witnesses” in the Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta International Criminal court trial. I don’t want to say I smell a rat but I feel like I am getting a whiff. Is the stage being set to let Kenyatta off the ICC hook? There has been feverish... (more)
- Marius_: How can we choose to hide behind claims of moral inappropriateness when - in fact - these crimes are indeed taking place on sacred African soil!? Yes! It is imperative that the ICC should, despite the influence of the 'Powers-that-be', focus on initiating proceedings on crimes within its jurisdiction taking place outside the African continent, so as to meet the dictates of fairness. But that is not to say that the ongoing cases in Africa are without their individual basis. The victims of those... (more)
- ecalmeyer: Mass African Withdrawal from the ICC: Far from Reality Introduction One hundred and twenty two countries are States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (“ICC”).1 Thirty-four are in Africa, making African states the largest continental bloc of ICC signatory countries.2 Many African nations believe that the International Criminal... (more)
- John Litwin: The International Criminal Court and African Politics Introduction Given the recent vote by the Kenyan parliament to withdraw from the Rome Statute,1 it is necessary to examine the non-meritorious, political reasons that may be motivating the proposed African boycott of the International Criminal Court (ICC).2 Comprising over a quarter of all member-states,3 a withdrawal from the ICC by... (more)
- Jenevieve Discar: Potential ICC Responses to Kenya’s Proposed Withdrawal Introduction Kenya’s recent, precedent-setting vote to withdraw from the ICC highlights the critical nature of this debate; regardless of whether the ICC is actually unfairly biased towards Africa or not, the perceived bias is greatly affecting its reputation and its ability to operate effectively. Kenya’s withdrawal should... (more)
- emilygiven: Complementarity: Too Stringent a Test? While critics claim that the ICC’s focus on crimes committed in Africa is inappropriate, its defenders cite the Prosecutor’s preliminary examinations of non-African crimes as evidence to the contrary. Because the Office of the Prosecutor is evaluating situations outside Africa with an even hand, defenders argue, the Court exhibits no bias against Africa. Several preliminary examinations of non-African... (more)
- karen.kwok: Syria: a Case Study of the ICC’s Limited Jurisdiction Since its inception in 2002, all situations under investigation or prosecution have been in Africa. Critics have claimed that the ICC’s focus on Africa has been inappropriate. In particular, the ICC has been accused of having an African-bias in situation selection. However, such critiques regarding ICC’s unfair targeting of Africa... (more)
- kennygbite: The question “Is the International Criminal Court targeting Africa inappropriately?” is influenced obviously by the fact that all the cases so far being handled by the ICC fall within Africa as if crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court are not taking place in other continents. However, assuming Africans so far indicted by the Court actually committed these crimes, should the question still arise simply because their counterparts in other continents are not being investigated nor prosecuted... (more)
Comment on the Africa Question: “Is the International Criminal Court targeting Africa inappropriately?”
Complementarity: Too Stringent a Test?
While critics claim that the ICC’s focus on crimes committed in Africa is inappropriate, its defenders cite the Prosecutor’s preliminary examinations of non-African crimes as evidence to the contrary. Because the Office of the Prosecutor is evaluating situations outside Africa with an even hand, defenders argue, the Court exhibits no bias against Africa. Several preliminary examinations of non-African situations are currently ongoing.1 The Prosecutor is evaluating whether the Court has subject matter jurisdiction over alleged crimes in Afghanistan, Honduras, and the Republic of Korea, and whether situations in Colombia and Georgia are admissible in light of the Court’s commitments to complementarity and to prosecuting only the gravest crimes.2 If any of these non-African situations come under a full investigation, defenders of the Court will have a powerful reply to the charge of bias against Africa.
Even short of a full investigation, though, the situation in Columbia provides the Court with a meaningful opportunity to clarify and reinforce its commitment to complementarity.3 Some commentators have argued that the Prosecutor ought to proceed with a full investigation in Columbia.4 However, salient distinctions can be drawn between Columbia’s justice system and those that were present in the African nations where preliminary examinations grew into full-scale investigations; such distinctions might reveal that complementarity bars a full investigation. In particular, while at least some of the Columbian crimes have been prosecuted in Columbia, the same could not have been said about the relevant African nations. And indeed, an Interim Report on Columbia published by the ICC in November of 20125 seems to suggest that the Prosecutor may decline to proceed to a full investigation there on exactly these grounds.6
The Interim Report concludes that while war crimes and crimes against humanity may well have been committed by both State and non-State actors, domestic judicial proceedings have addressed many of them.7 It concludes, for example, that “a large number of FARC and ELN [guerilla group] members, including senior leaders, have been the subject of national proceedings under the ordinary criminal justice system in Colombia,”8 and that “43 out of 46 senior paramilitary leaders still alive today have been investigated, prosecuted or convicted in respect of conducts which constitute crimes within the subject-matter jurisdiction of the ICC.”9
However, the Report also concludes that “while numerous members of the armed forces have been investigated and … sentences issued, the proceedings have not focused on the responsibility of those at senior levels for the occurrence of such crimes.”10 Furthermore, and perhaps more importantly, the methodology utilized in the ICC Report is exclusively quantitative, merely counting the number of prosecutions conducted and convictions secured; there is no qualitative analysis of, for example, whether such proceedings are conducted impartially.11
Given that the Court is committed to principles of due process in conducting its own proceedings12, it makes make little sense for the Prosecutor to disregard whether such principles have been respected in other proceedings when evaluating them for purposes of complementarity.13 In other words, where there is reason to believe that domestic proceedings violate internationally recognized due process requirements, their mere existence should not necessarily trigger the Court’s complementarity principle and preclude a full ICC investigation. And charges of exactly this kind have been leveled with regard to the Columbian prosecutions. Commentators have argued, for example, that many Columbian prosecutions are subject to unjustifiably long delays resulting from key perpetrators having been extradited14, and that threats and violence against human rights defenders and members of the judicial system undermine its independence and impartiality.15 Yet evaluation of such matters is conspicuously absent from the Interim Report.
Whether or not the proceedings in Columbia truly violate basic due process requirements, an acknowledgement that the question is relevant to the Prosecutor’s preliminary examinations would be welcome. To treat the due process qualities of domestic systems of law as irrelevant would seem to reveal that the Court’s commitment to complementarity precludes prosecutions for crimes occurring in all but the most ill-functioning of legal systems. States would be enabled to shield their citizens from the ICC simply by enacting sham proceedings against them. By contrast, by indicating that the quality of judicial proceedings is relevant to the question of whether they trigger complementarity, the Court can create incentives for States to create robust legal systems which respect due process. Thus, the Prosecutor should inquire carefully into the quality of the relevant Columbian prosecutions. Should she conclude that they are sufficiently respectful of due process as to trigger the complementarity principle and preclude an investigation, she will provide a principled reply to the charge of bias against Africa.
Endnotes — (click the footnote reference number, or ↩ symbol, to return to location in text).
Preliminary Examinations, Int’l Crim. Ct., available online (last visited Sept. 30, 2013). ↩
Id. ↩
See Jennifer S. Easterday, Deciding the Fate of Complementarity: A Columbian Case Study, 26 Ariz. J. Int’l & Comp. L. 1 (2009). ↩
See, e.g., Tanya Sukhija, Comment: The ICC Should Initiate a Formal Investigation into the Situation in Colombia, ICC Forum, Apr. 9, 2013, available online; Kevin Jon Heller, Colombia, the ICC—and a Twist!, Opinio Juris, Aug. 4, 2010, available online. ↩
Office of the Prosecutor, Situation in Columbia: Interim Report, Int’l Crim. Ct., Nov. 2012, available online [hereinafter Interim Report]. ↩
See Kai Ambos, ICC OTP Report on the Situation in Colombia—A Critical Analysis, EJIL Talk, Feb. 1, 2013, available online. ↩
See Interim Report, supra note 5. ↩
Id. at ¶ 160. ↩
Id. at ¶ 173. ↩
Id. at ¶ 196 (emphasis added). ↩
See Sukhija, supra note 4; Ambos, supra note 6. ↩
Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, Adopted by the United Nations Diplomatic Conference of Plenipotentiaries on the Establishment of an International Criminal Court, July 17 1998, UN Doc. A/CONF.183/9 [hereinafter Rome Statute], Article 67. ↩
See Ambos, supra note 6. ↩
See Sukhija, supra note 4. ↩
See id.; Ambos, supra note 6. ↩