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- miltonlaw: Africa and the Concept of Positive Complementarity The answer to the allegation that Africa is inappropriately targeted by international criminal court could as well lie in the sui generis concept of positive complementary. My doctoral thesis research title is: The international criminal court and positive complementarity: Institutional and legal framework. I. Introduction It is the... (more)
- almariam: Saving the ICC: A Proposal for a Witness Protection Program Justice delayed, again? In late January of this year, I wrote a commentary entitled, “Kenyatta at the ICC: Is Justice Deferred, Justice Denied?” In that commentary I openly expressed my angst over the endless delays, postponements and backpedalling talk about “false evidence” and “lying witnesses” surrounding the Uhuru Kenyatta trial at The Hague. I felt there was perhaps... (more)
- almariam: Kenyatta at the ICC: Is Justice Deferred, Justice Denied? I am getting a little jittery over the repeated delays, postponements and all the backpedalling talk about “false evidence” and “lying witnesses” in the Uhuru Muigai Kenyatta International Criminal court trial. I don’t want to say I smell a rat but I feel like I am getting a whiff. Is the stage being set to let Kenyatta off the ICC hook? There has been feverish... (more)
- Marius_: How can we choose to hide behind claims of moral inappropriateness when - in fact - these crimes are indeed taking place on sacred African soil!? Yes! It is imperative that the ICC should, despite the influence of the 'Powers-that-be', focus on initiating proceedings on crimes within its jurisdiction taking place outside the African continent, so as to meet the dictates of fairness. But that is not to say that the ongoing cases in Africa are without their individual basis. The victims of those... (more)
- ecalmeyer: Mass African Withdrawal from the ICC: Far from Reality Introduction One hundred and twenty two countries are States Parties to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (“ICC”).1 Thirty-four are in Africa, making African states the largest continental bloc of ICC signatory countries.2 Many African nations believe that the International Criminal... (more)
- John Litwin: The International Criminal Court and African Politics Introduction Given the recent vote by the Kenyan parliament to withdraw from the Rome Statute,1 it is necessary to examine the non-meritorious, political reasons that may be motivating the proposed African boycott of the International Criminal Court (ICC).2 Comprising over a quarter of all member-states,3 a withdrawal from the ICC by... (more)
- Jenevieve Discar: Potential ICC Responses to Kenya’s Proposed Withdrawal Introduction Kenya’s recent, precedent-setting vote to withdraw from the ICC highlights the critical nature of this debate; regardless of whether the ICC is actually unfairly biased towards Africa or not, the perceived bias is greatly affecting its reputation and its ability to operate effectively. Kenya’s withdrawal should... (more)
- emilygiven: Complementarity: Too Stringent a Test? While critics claim that the ICC’s focus on crimes committed in Africa is inappropriate, its defenders cite the Prosecutor’s preliminary examinations of non-African crimes as evidence to the contrary. Because the Office of the Prosecutor is evaluating situations outside Africa with an even hand, defenders argue, the Court exhibits no bias against Africa. Several preliminary examinations of non-African... (more)
- karen.kwok: Syria: a Case Study of the ICC’s Limited Jurisdiction Since its inception in 2002, all situations under investigation or prosecution have been in Africa. Critics have claimed that the ICC’s focus on Africa has been inappropriate. In particular, the ICC has been accused of having an African-bias in situation selection. However, such critiques regarding ICC’s unfair targeting of Africa... (more)
- kennygbite: The question “Is the International Criminal Court targeting Africa inappropriately?” is influenced obviously by the fact that all the cases so far being handled by the ICC fall within Africa as if crimes within the jurisdiction of the Court are not taking place in other continents. However, assuming Africans so far indicted by the Court actually committed these crimes, should the question still arise simply because their counterparts in other continents are not being investigated nor prosecuted... (more)
Comment on the Africa Question: “Is the International Criminal Court targeting Africa inappropriately?”
The International Criminal Court and African Politics
Introduction
Given the recent vote by the Kenyan parliament to withdraw from the Rome Statute,1 it is necessary to examine the non-meritorious, political reasons that may be motivating the proposed African boycott of the International Criminal Court (ICC).2 Comprising over a quarter of all member-states,3 a withdrawal from the ICC by all African nations would be extremely, perhaps fatally, damaging to the court. It is an unavoidable fact that up to this point all of the ICC’s prosecutions have been against African nationals.4 While preliminary investigations are proceeding in other regions,5 it is unlikely that any will progress beyond this phase. While these claims may have merit, it is also possible that other political factors are impacting the proposed withdrawal. For the ICC to respond to these pressures, they must first be identified.
Threat of ICC Prosecutions
A primary reason could be the threat of a possible ICC investigation of state leaders currently in power. For obvious reasons, it is in a leader’s best interest to remove their state from the jurisdiction of the ICC when they have engaged in conduct that could put them at risk of an ICC prosecution. For example, Uganda’s recent actions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo would explain President Yoweri Museveni’s relatively rapid change of position from supporting the Court to his criticism of it and apparent support for an African withdrawal.6 If true, this will remain a difficult issue for the court to grapple with.
Additionally, the threat of prosecution by the ICC extends beyond States Parties to the Rome Statute. As the case of President of Sudan Omar al-Bashir demonstrates, African nations not a party to the treaty can still be the subject of an ICC investigation on the motion of the United Nations Security Council. Thus, weaker non-member states with poor human rights records, such as Zimbabwe or Rwanda, would benefit from discrediting by making the threat of a future prosecution against their nationals less likely.
Domestic Sovereignty Concerns
Domestic populist politics and concerns over domestic sovereignty could also be fueling states’ threats to withdraw from the ICC. The African Union was founded in part in order to “defend the sovereignty territorial integrity, and independence of its member states.”7 As a post-colonial continent, populist politics and the rhetoric of anti-imperialism have remained powerful in African politics8 and have empowered leaders such as such as Zimbabwe’s Robert Mugabe. The proposed withdrawals could thus be the result of democratic processes or public demand, and a general desire to remove any threats to the sovereignty of African nations. This appears to be in part what is motivating Ethiopia to support Kenya’s withdrawals, as it has accused the court of “race hunting.”9
Political Pressure From Other Nations
It could also be conjectured that the threat of withdrawals are the result of international relations within Africa and status with the African Union. A weaker state, for example, could be indicating acquiescence to a withdrawal from the ICC at the behest of a more powerful neighbor to in order to gain political capital to be expended on a more important political goal, such as monetary aid or military support. It is also possible that this pressure is from a great power state outside of Africa, which is opposed to the jurisdiction of the ICC and thus has an interest in undermining its authority through the removal of member states. Such states could include Russia or China, powerful states with poor human rights records that have expressed hostility to the Court.
Conclusion
No doubt many other factors could be at play in this complex issue of international politics. Having identified some of these, the next question is what the ICC can do to counteract some of these forces and retain its legitimacy. Perhaps the bigger question is whether the Court can address these problems at all. As these issues are all political, they presumably would require a political solution. However, it can be said that much of the Court’s credibility comes from the fact that it has been effective in maintaining an image of independence from politics and political concerns. Balancing these competing concerns could be critical to the continued ability of the ICC to conduct effective prosecutions.
Endnotes — (click the footnote reference number, or ↩ symbol, to return to location in text).
Kenya Parliament Votes to Withdraw from the ICC, Al Jazeera, Sept. 6, 2013, available online. ↩
AU to Discuss ICC Trials of Kenyan Leaders, Al Jazeera, Sept. 20, 2013, available online. ↩
See The State Parties to the Rome Statute, Int’l Crim. Ct., available online . ↩
Libya and Sudan were referred to the ICC by the United Nations Security Counsel ( See AMICC, UN Security Council Referrals to the ICC, available online. Kenya and Cote D’Ivoire were initiated by the Prosecutor’s own motion, and Uganda, the Central African Republic, Mali, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo all referred themselves. ↩
See Report on Preliminary Examinations, Int’l Crim. Ct., Nov. 22, 2012 available online. ↩
While supportive of discussions to try warlord Joseph Kony in the forum as recently as last year, Museveni has recently claimed the ICC has become arrogant in its handling of the Kenyan trials. See Rodney Muhumuza & Tom Odula, African Union to debate ICC exit amid Kenya trial, AP, September 17, 2013, available online. ↩
See AU in a Nutshell, available online. ↩
Danielle Resnick, Populist Strategies in African Democracies, UNU-WIDER, 1, 21, (2010), available online. ↩
Ethiopia Expresses its Support to Kenya’s Stand on the International Criminal Court, All Africa, Sept. 23 2013, available online. ↩