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- SusanKnisely: I work with a good number complex crime victims. The population is those who are victims of terrorism and human trafficking; women, children and their families. My commentary is based on experience with these victims rather than theory. Sadly, in America, our legal system fails especially in complex cases. One reason I discovered is that many attorneys don't want to take on a complex case as they could earn the same income from a "easy," case. Second is a resistance by the private legal system... (more)
- Cowdery: It is to be hoped that the ICC, like other courts, would be able to play a crime prevention role in respect of the offences with which it deals; but a few basic points need to be made in the interests of realism. First it is not like other courts. Domestic criminal courts have jurisdiction over a geographical area covered by law enforcement officials who feed offences into those courts. There is reach, permanence and consistency of action. There is a real risk of detection and... (more)
- Kimia: Coercive Diplomacy: An ICC Approach to Minimize Human Rights Atrocities Argument Instead of focusing on a retribution approach, the ICC should think about using a coercive diplomacy framework in some cases. At a time when perpetrators have committed crimes and are able to wage ongoing human rights abuses, this approach may induce short-term deterrence. Introduction... (more)
- elio: Argument To achieve long-term deterrence and prevention of crimes, the ICC must first be seen as a legitimate and credible threat. To be seen as a credible threat, the ICC should employ two methods. First, the ICC should take a broad view of the “complementarity” principle. Second, when the ICC decides to issue an arrest warrant, it should resolutely... (more)
- Patrick S Wegner: Interesting post Jonathan. I think the idea of proactive complementarity goes into the right direction, but there are also some dangers in trying to rush domestic prosecutions. The International Crimes Division (ICD) of the Ugandan High Court would be a good example for the type of domestic prosecutions furthered by the ICC that you suggest. The Court was set up in the scope of the accountability discussions during the Juba negotiations with the Lord's Resistance Army. The need to talk about... (more)
- grant2012: ICC Should Plea-Bargain to Prevent Crime and Bring Restorative Justice to Victims Argument The International Criminal Court (ICC) should utilize plea bargaining with criminal leaders prior to trial to remove criminal leaders who enflame hostilities from their positions of power. By removing criminal leaders, the ICC can serve its mission by preventing future crimes emanating from that conflict and... (more)
- Sean.Lowe: Economic Sanctions & Capacity Building: Two Approaches to Prevent Atrocities Most Effectively Argument Because the ICC does not address crime with all of the traditional tools of punishment, it follows that the ICC must look to creative, non-traditional approaches for it to maximize its crime prevention impact. The ICC, then, should focus on two specific priorities, the first of... (more)
- nmoley: Argument The ICC’s overall effectiveness would be improved if it undertook a clear rule delineating when a state is “unwilling or unable” to prosecute on its own. In order to achieve the aims of preventing crime, promoting justice, and ending impunity for perpetrators of serious crimes, the ICC must continually legitimize itself in the eyes of the international community. At the same time, the... (more)
- jonathan.tobin: Argument The International Criminal Court can increase its legitimacy by focusing upon a strategy of complementarity. Such a strategy would mean that the ICC works closely with member states to develop and act upon agreed-upon standards of prosecution in cases of war crimes and other results of widespread violence. This strategy would also increase the visibility of the ICC such that it would not be seen as a... (more)
- davidlee211: Positive Complementarity: Prospects and Limits Argument In order to maximize its effectiveness in the prevention of crimes, the ICC should continue to encourage and assist States Parties in undertaking national prosecutions of international crimes through what is called “positive complementarity.” While there are significant obstacles to positive complementarity, there are several ways to overcome them and to... (more)
- G. L.: Argument The International Criminal Court (ICC), as an isolated legal institution, has minimal deterrent effect on the crimes it has jurisdiction over. However, it is a part of a greater trend in international law fostering universal condemnation for these crimes and thus creating an environment where such crimes are unsupportable and indefensible. I. Introduction The preamble of the... (more)
- Scott McDonald: Argument In order for OTP to maximize its prevention of crime, it must base its policies on a cost-benefit model of deterrence. This model advances the idea that an actor will stop (or not begin) rights violating behavior when the cost of that behavior outweighs its benefits. There are different classes of actors that the ICC must work towards deterring however, and each class has different considerations that play... (more)
- danterzian: Professor Goldstone praises the ICC as the world's best hope for preventing crimes against humanity. But it's just that: A hope. He argues that the key to achieving justice and preventing crimes is universal ratification of the Rome Statute. I disagree. Signatories aren't the key; soldiers are. The Democratic Republic of Congo, for example, signed the Rome Statute. And the ICC indicted Congolese General Bosco Ntaganda. Yet he lives openly, luxuriously and lawlessly. (http://motherjones.com/... (more)
- Scott McDonald: I agree with Mr. Goldstone that the emerging doctrine of Responsibility to Protect (R2P) represents a key opportunity for the ICC to maximize its crime prevention capabilities. However, its usefulness seems limited by the recently defined crime of aggression, which allows for force only in the traditional cases of self-defense or U.N.S.C. authorization. While the U.N.S.C. is to be applauded for utilizing an R2P rationale for the first time following the limited adoption of the doctrine at the... (more)
- Alma Pekmezovic: Introduction The ICC has been established with jurisdiction over various types of crimes, including: genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. These crimes affect “international peace and security.”1 The main purpose of the Court is to end impunity for these crimes and bring individuals who have committed such crimes to justice.2 At the most basic level, the function of the ICC is to... (more)
- Cecilia: Argument The International Criminal Court should actively employ positive complementarity and defer to non-prosecutorial methods when appropriate in preventing crime. Deterring crime involves more than prosecution by the ICC. Changing societal norms and standards through positive complementarity and alternative justice mechanisms may have a long-term preventative impact. Introduction If the ICC... (more)
- danterzian: Argument The ICC’s threat of punishment, while disincentivizing prospective criminals from committing crimes, ineffectively disincentives current criminals from committing further crimes. Thus, if the ICC wishes to prevent crimes in ongoing conflicts, it should employ practices beyond threatening punishment such as pre-arrest plea bargaining. Introduction Threatening punishment deters... (more)
Comment on the Prevention Question: “What measures should be taken to maximize the crime prevention impact of the International Criminal Court?”
There can never be deterence when the penalties for crimes are not scathing enough? Why did the negotiators of the Statute of Rome not adopt the death penalty? What is a greater deterrence to criminal behavior when the perpetrator knows he is going to lose his life as punishment?
Anyway, as founder of the Ghana Human Rights Initiative, I have investigated an issue of enslavement of one tribe by the other going on in the Ashanti Region of the West African country of Ghana, West Africa. I think it should be of concern to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court?
Read it below:
The Adansi Tribe Of Ghana—The World’s Last Enslaved People
Introduction
The Adansi Tribe of the Ashanti Region of the West African country of Ghana is one of the world’s last enslaved peoples. They have been enslaved for over four hundred years in that their paramount chiefs have been demoted to the status of common chiefs. This barbaric act has been the handiwork of the more powerful Asante tribe to the north who have since then claimed this distinct tribe as part of Asante in order to claim the goldfields of this land as their own.
How the Tribe Became Enslaved
Asante was conquered and annexed into the Gold Coast colony when British gold prospectors stumbled upon the goldfields of Adansiland after the 1870s when Asante was finally subdued and the region opened up for British colonial exploration and exploitation. Britain had hitherto not expressed any desire in bringing the forest peoples north of the River Pra under their rule. After the discovery of huge gold deposits at Funtumase (now known as Obuasi) in the heart of Adansiland however, British businessmen put pressure on the Gold Coast Colony to break Asante power once and for all and bring Asante and the entire River Pra basin under British rule to facilitate the exploitation of the gold deposits discovered in Adansi. Britain burned down the Asante capital, Kumasi, in 1896, exiled the Asante king (Asantehene) and his court, and declared metropolitan Asante as well as all the surrounding states including Adansi a British protectorate.
Adansi extend from the Pra River northwards to the Asante state of Bekwai. Gold has been panned in their territory since the 13th century by indigenous, artisanal miners. It is principally because of their land that the Europeans named the area of the West African coast now occupied by Ghana the “Gold Coast”. The abundant gold that nature has endowed this small tribe with has unfortunately created enemies for them in that their stronger rival tribe—Asante—has enslaved and amalgamated them into their own tribe in order to claim and pass off the goldfields of the weaker, smaller Adansi tribe as their own.
The Nature of the Enslavement
The Adansi people—like all the other Akan tribes around the dominant, war-like Asante tribe—have been subject to the stronger Asante Confederacy even since before this confederacy was formed in the first decade of the 18th century. The Adansi tribe has five paramountcies namely Fomena, Ayaase, Dompoase, Akrokyere, and New Edubiase. All but one of the paramount chiefs of these paramountcies have the status of a paramount chief—the other four have been demoted to the status of common chiefs by the Asantehene, the king of Asante.This has greatly militated against the development of the tribe.These paramountcies are have remained underdeveloped; they are virtualy still villages.This practice is explicitly against the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948 of which the rights described in its 30 articles include the right to liberty. The right to liberty of the Adansi tribe has been taken away by the Asantehene for over four centuries. The identity of the Adansi tribe as a distinct tribe on its own has been taken away; the list of tribes in Ghana does not include Adansi at all. The children in Adansi are indoctrinated from their childhood with the false teaching that they are of the Asante tribe. All Adansi people have therefore grown up with a tribal identity as Asante. This has been the handiwork of the Asantehenes of four centuries ago and it is still upheld by the succeeding ones, including the current one.
Obuasi—The El Dorado of the World?
In March 1890 British businessmen negotiated the mining concession for 25,900 hectares (100 square miles) of land in the Obuasi District. The concession for the land of Obuasi was given by the paramount chief of Bekwai, a paramountcy of Asante. The paramount chief of Bekwai does not own the land of Adansiland but the king of Fomena does; Adansi was then a vassal of Asante. The Adansihene at Fomena should have granted that concession. In 1897—one year after the Asantehene and his court was exiled—the Ashanti Goldfields Corporation was formed. By 1995 25 million ounces of gold—estimated to be worth $10 billion—had been mined from Obuasi. The Obuasi mine is now one of the world’s ten largest gold mines. Obuasi has since grown to have a population of 115,568 (2000 estimate); is a municipality; and is the 9th biggest urban settlement in Ghana.
The Asantehene, the International Criminal Court, and Ghana
The Asantehene as well as the paramount chiefs of all the paramountcies of the Asante kingdom have benefitted from the enslavement of the Adansi state and are in violation of the Rome Statute that established the International Criminal Court. They are guilty of the crime of enslavement—a crime against humanity. The goal of the Ghana Human Rights Initiative is to petition the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court in The Hague, The Netherlands, with a complaint by July, 2011 to press charges against the Asantehene and all the paramount chiefs of Asante.We shall pray the Court to make the Asantehene renounce any control they hold on all the tribes they have enslaved and have them face justice at the Court. The Ghana Human Rights Initiative hopes to do this with the support of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative in Accra.
The International Criminal Court—How Relevant Is It To The Attainment Of Freedom And Justice In Ghana?
Introduction
The International Criminal Court came into existence on July 1, 2002 when the 60th member of the United Nations Organisation ratified the Rome Statute—the agreement establishing it.
The International Criminal Court is based in The Hague, The Netherlands. Ghana is a signatory to the Treaty of Rome, having signed the treaty on 18th of July, 1998 with a state party number of 6. Ghana received its state accession number on 20th December 1999. This means Ghanaians guilty of crimes under the jurisdiction of the court or Ghanaians who commit crimes in countries that are signatory to the Treaty of Rome could be prosecuted by the court.
A world criminal court became necessary to punish individuals or groups of individuals guilty of particularly grave crimes against humanity but who, by virtue of their status or clout in society, could remain free from punishment by the criminal system of their countries. The court is particularly vital for the developing world because the justice system there tends to be skewed in favour of the rich and powerful—they tend to be above the law.
Pursuant of this objective, the court has indicted some key Kenyan politicians—including the deputy prime minister—responsible for the post electoral violence in the east African country in 2007, a key blow to the culture of impunity that African politicians enjoy and a giant leap towards obliterating this culture.
The prosecutor has also opened investigations into the activities of Laurent Gbabgo; he could be indicted of war crimes for ordering his troops to kill Ivorian civilians in the ended political impasse that could be blamed on his obstinacy. The prosecutor is also investigating both sides of the current war in Libya for possible war crimes—Muammar al Qaddafi could be prosecuted for crimes against humanity for his killing of Libyan pro-democracy demonstrators prior to the war.
Individuals currently on trial at the court include the Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba for atrocities committed in the Central African republic.
Structure of the Court
The court has three functional divisions, or organs—the prosecutors, the judges and the registry.
The Office of the Prosecutor is headed Louis Moreno-Ocampo, who took office in June 2003. The other three organs are the Prosecutions Division, headed by Fatou Bensouda, the deputy prosecutor; the Investigations Divisions headed by Michel de Smedt; and the Jurisdiction, Complementarity and Co-operative Divisions headed by Phakiso Mochochoko. It serves a single nine-year term. The Office of the Prosecutor is responsible for investigating and initiating trials at the court and receives petitions from aggrieved individuals, organizations and national judicial authorities.
Eighteen judges constitute the Judges organ and they are elected by the Assembly of States Parties in a secret ballot. Judges have tenure of nine years and may not be re-elected; and no two judges may be of the same nationality. The Judges organ is headed by the Presidency; a group of three judges which is responsible for the judicial administration of the court and this consist of the president, the 1st vice president and the 2nd vice president. The Presidency is elected by the eighteen judges and it serves a term of three years.
The Registry is the administrative arm of the court and is responsible for non-judicial administrative matters.
The major source of funding of the court is dues from states that are party to the Rome Statute.
Jurisdictions and Crimes Prosecuted by the Court
The Treaty of Rome confers the power on the court to prosecute crimes of international concern committed by an individual of a signatory state or an individual from a non-signatory state who commits such a crime on the territory of a signatory state. Heads of state, members of legislature as well as government functionaries are not exempt from prosecution; and crimes are not subject to a statute of limitations.
The UN Security Council may refer a case to the prosecutor even when the state is not a signatory to the Rome Statute.
Crimes under the court’s jurisdiction fall into four categories: genocide; crimes against humanity; war crimes; and crimes of aggression.
Crimes against humanity, as defined by the Statute of Rome, “are particularly odious offences in that they constitute a serious attack on human dignity or grave humiliation or a degradation of one or more human beings. They are not isolated or sporadic events, but are part either of a government policy (although the perpetrators need not identify themselves with this policy) or of a wide practice of atrocities tolerated or condoned by a government or a de facto authority. Murder; extermination; torture; rape; political, racial, or religious persecution and other inhumane acts reach the threshold of crimes against humanity only if they are a part of a systematic or widespread practice. Isolated inhumane acts of this nature may constitute grave infringements of human rights, or depending on the circumstances, war crimes, but may fall short of falling into the category of crimes under discussion. On the other hand, an individual may be guilty of crimes against humanity even if he perpetrates one or two of the offences mentioned above, or engages in one such offence against only a few civilians, provided those offences are part of a consistent pattern of misbehavior by a number of persons linked to that offender (for example, because they engage in armed action on the same side or because they are parties to a common plan or for any similar reason). Consequently when one or more individuals are not accused of planning or carrying out a policy of inhumanity, but simply of perpetrating specific atrocities or vicious acts, in order to determine whether the necessary threshold is met one should use the following test: one ought to look at these atrocities or acts in their context and verify whether they may be regarded as part of an overall policy or a consistent pattern of inhumanity, or whether they may be regarded as part of an overall policy or a consistent pattern of an inhumanity, or whether they instead constitute isolated or sporadic acts of cruelty and wickedness.”
For the purpose of the Statute of Rome, “crimes against humanity” means any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack:
Of What Relevance Should The Court Be To Ghana?
Ghana should be of concern to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court because of the well-known and tolerated practice of systematic enslavement of one weak tribe by the other that goes back centuries. Ghana was the centre of an empire in the 18th century and the last vestiges of this empire remain in the continued political and economic enslavement being endured by the tribes surrounding the Asante kingdom. In January 2008, the president of the Asanteman Council of this country, Otumfour Osei Tutu, boasted in a council meeting that the tribes surrounding his tribe, Asante, “belonged” to him. An example of the tribes he claimed ownership of is Adansi, which has Africa’s second richest gold mine and whose paramount chiefs he has demoted to the status of common chiefs in order to facilitate the exploitation of the mineral resources of this distinct tribe. This denial of political and economic freedom is a grave incidence of enslavement—a crime against humanity—and it is one of the crimes that falls under the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court. It is well within the rights of the affected tribes to petition the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court to have the perpetrators of this anachronistic crime prosecuted and to have them restored to sovereign status.